By Our Correspondent
BHUBANESWAR: The claim that Kendrapara revived Biju Patnaik’s political career stems from his post-Emergency comeback. After being imprisoned during the Emergency (1975–1977), Biju was released and elected to the Lok Sabha from Kendrapara in 1977 as a Janata Party candidate, marking his return to national politics. This victory made him Union Minister for Steel and Mines under the Morarji Desai and Charan Singh governments until 1979.
He was re-elected from the same seat in 1980 and 1984, even amid the Congress wave following Indira Gandhi’s assassination, solidifying Kendrapara as a key bastion for his socialist and anti-Congress ideology.This support from the coastal Odisha district helped relaunch his influence after years of setbacks.
Regarding the perceived “injustice” by Naveen Patnaik (BJD supremo) toward Kendrapara leaders like Bijay (or Bijoy) Mohapatra and his son Arvinda (or Arabinda/Arvind) Mohapatra, Nalini Kanta Mohanty, Srikant Jena, Pravat Samantray, Baijayant Jay Panda, Sipra Mallick, this appears rooted in internal party power dynamics rather than regional bias.
Bijay Mohapatra was a close confidant of Biju Patnaik, serving as a four-time MLA from Patkura (in Kendrapara) and holding key ministerial roles in Biju’s 1990–1995 government.He played a pivotal role in forming the BJD after Biju’s death in 1997 and initially supported Naveen as leader, but headed the party’s political affairs committee and often opposed Naveen’s decisions, positioning him as a potential rival.
In 2000, just before assembly elections, Naveen abruptly withdrew BJD’s endorsement for Bijay’s candidacy from Patkura, effectively sidelining him and leading to his political isolation. This move cemented Naveen’s control over the party, as Bijay was seen as a threat to his supremacy.Bijay later joined the BJP and remained a vocal critic of Naveen, but his influence waned outside Kendrapara.
Arvinda Mohapatra, Bijay’s son, joined the BJD in March 2024 amid speculation of reconciliation, and was fielded (and won) from Patkura in the assembly elections that year. However, on January 15, 2026, Naveen suspended him from the BJD for alleged “anti-party activities,” alongside another MLA. Arvinda denied the charges, claiming he was focused on constituency work. Reports suggest this was a preemptive strike against Bijay, who was reportedly planning a political maneuver by contacting 10–12 BJD MLAs, reviving old rivalries.
Critics view these actions as Naveen’s pattern of eliminating challengers to maintain unchallenged authority in the BJD, rather than targeted injustice to Kendrapara itself—the district remains a BJD stronghold with significant development under Naveen. Supporters argue it’s standard party discipline. No official BJD statement frames it as regional bias; it’s more about loyalty and power consolidation.
Baijayant Panda, a prominent industrialist and former BJD MP from Kendrapara (elected in 2009 and 2014), was suspended from the party in January 2018 for alleged anti-party activities, including praising the Modi government and questioning BJD policies.He resigned in May 2018, citing humiliation, physical assaults by party workers, and restrictions on attending his father’s funeral imposed by Naveen Patnaik’s leadership.Naveen later accused Panda of spreading rumors about his health and seeking BJP support for a parliamentary committee role, which strained their ties. Panda joined the BJP in 2019 but lost the Kendrapara seat that year and faced challenges in 2024, with critics attributing his decline to losing Naveen’s backing.
Srikant Jena, a veteran politician and four-time MP (including from Kendrapara in 1989 and 1991 under Janata Dal), has no direct history with the BJD—he has primarily been affiliated with Congress and Janata Dal. He served as a Union Minister under Congress governments and was expelled from Congress in 2019 for anti-party activities before rejoining in 2024.Jena has criticized the BJD-BJP alliance as a “live-in relationship” but was never a BJD member or sidelined by Naveen. His Kendrapara connection is through past elections, but any “sidelining” relates to his Congress expulsions, not BJD actions.
Pravat Samantray , a former trade union leader and BJD MP from Kendrapara in 2004) was suspended from the BJD in August 2002 for anti-party activities and expelled in November 2002. He passed away in October 2024 at age 74. As a founding BJD member and close to Biju Patnaik, his expulsion was seen as part of early party purges to consolidate power under Naveen.
Sipra Mallick, a former BJD MLA from Kendrapara (elected in 2004 and 2009), was not explicitly suspended but faced sidelining. In 2011, she filed as a rebel candidate in Kendrapara civic polls, defying party lines. In 2019, she filed nomination for the Kendrapara assembly seat but withdrew, amid speculation of internal conflicts. She remained affiliated with BJD but was overlooked for key roles later, reflecting broader exclusions of regional leaders.
Nalini Kanta Mohanty, a senior politician with ties to Kendrapara (contested from Rajanagar in the district), was an early BJD leader and working president in 2000. He served as a minister in Naveen’s first cabinet but was removed amid internal rifts. By 2009, he had switched to Congress and contested against BJD candidates. His son joined BJD in 2024, sparking reconciliation talks, but Mohanty himself was effectively sidelined from BJD after early 2000s power struggles.
These cases fit Naveen Patnaik’s long-standing approach to party discipline, where he has suspended or expelled dozens of leaders across Odisha for perceived disloyalty or challenges to his authority, not limited to Kendrapara.Examples include recent suspensions like Prafulla Mallik (2025) for criticizing party direction. Critics argue this maintains control but stifles internal democracy; supporters see it as enforcing unity. Kendrapara’s prominence (as Biju Patnaik’s revival base) may amplify perceptions of “injustice,” but exclusions like skipping district MLAs for planning committees in 2019 suggest it’s about loyalty over regional favoritism.
